‘Barbarism in Cultured Soil: Rushdie’s Great Pakistani Novel’ by Shehryar Fazli

Still banned in Pakistan

I.

SALMAN RUSHDIE’S THIRD NOVEL, Shame, which will turn 30 next year, may have an unenviable legacy. Squeezed between its author’s two most famous books — and two of the most famous books of the 1980s — Midnight’s Children and The Satanic Verses — it is seldom given its due in discussions of the author’s body of work, nor does it find much space in his recently published memoir, Joseph Anton. Yet, even with the recent ‘boom’ in Pakistan’s literature, it remains the most ambitious English-language novel about that country, yet to be surpassed in scope, inventiveness, and humor.

It also remains banned in Pakistan.

So, first, a word about my own copy of the novel: it’s a 1984 Picador edition, with the Urdu word for shame, ‘sharam’, written as if by hand with Typex in Arabic script above the English title. I say ‘my’ copy, but it in fact belonged to my father, who bought it in the 1980s at a secondhand bookstore in Islamabad. What’s peculiar about this is that General Zia-ul-Haq’s military government had banned Shame in Pakistan, a decision that attracted more attention to the book than the dictatorship intended, and induced several Western capitals to ship copies to Islamabad through the diplomatic bag for their envoys to read. Once done, these people would sell their copies to one of the many used bookstores in the capital.

There was another book in those years that also made the rounds through these same cramped passageways: Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s If I am Assassinated, which the ex-prime minister wrote from his cell after Zia’s coup. When Zia closed down the printing press that was to print the book, stapled photocopied manuscripts found their way to secondhand bookstores, through which they would circulate widely, even years after Bhutto was hanged, in 1979.

It is amusing to consider these two books, hooked to the same life support, moving clandestinely in the political capital together, under Zia’s nose. Shame, after all, is in part a fictionalized account of the Bhutto-Zia relationship. The story of this particular copy is also apt not only because censorship and suppression are such vital themes in Shame, but because an equally important element is the stuff that evades or finds a way around censorship, the thing that won’t go away — including the words of a dead prime minister.

In the simplest terms, the novel is about the transformation of a country’s identity, the rise and fall of two men, the civilian leader Iskander Harrapa and the dictator-to-be Raza Hyder, fictional parallels respectively of Bhutto and Zia, who try to control the process, and the tragic outcomes of their missions. Its raw material is the history of Pakistan. At first glance, the book’s oft-quoted description of Pakistan as “a failure of the dreaming mind” seems mischievous and intended to provoke. But the failed dream here is an oppressive one: it is the dream of Urdu-speaking migrants who, after Partition in 1947, had to govern an essentially foreign nation, feeling compelled to impose a neat formula — the founding father, Mohammed Ali Jinnah’s ‘one nation, one culture, one language’ — onto a diverse, unwieldy polity. The dream disappoints because the country is too multi-ethnic and multi-lingual, too multidimensional for the imposition.

Shame’s narrator argues, “It is possible to see the subsequent history of Pakistan as a duel between two layers of time, the obscured world forcing its way back through what-had-been-imposed.” This duel forms the novel’s locus. Throughout, the censored and stifled rise to the surface, whether in the real-life secession of East Pakistan and insurgency in Balochistan against a brutal state, or in the gruesomely murderous acts of Sufiya Zinobia, General Hyder’s underdeveloped and repressed daughter. And then there is the deposed Iskander Harrapa, refusing to be quiet even after his execution: “O unceasing monologue of a hanged man!” Hyder wails as he starts hearing the dead prime minister, head still in the noose, taunting his executioner, “Never fear, old boy, it’s pretty difficult to get rid of me. I can be an obstinate bastard when I choose.” That voice goes on harassing Hyder “from the day of Iskander’s death to the morning of his own, that voice, sardonic lilting dry […] words dripping on his ear-drum like Chinese tortures, even in his sleep.”

There are other duels, too: between civilians and generals; between private passions and public customs; between the imagination and censorship; and, of course, between honor and shame. There is also a duel between fact and fiction. Ostensibly, Shame is a fantasy, the country in it “not-quite Pakistan,” everything not-quite real. Mixed into the fantasy, however, are passages of memoir, essay, and commentary on the actual Pakistan. Describing his intentions, the author says, “I tell myself this will be a novel of leavetaking, my last words on the East from which, many years ago, I began to come loose […] It is part of the world to which, whether I like it or not, I am still joined, if only by elastic bands.”

These intrusions, where the narrator (Rushdie or not-quite Rushdie, it’s difficult to tell) speaks and explains himself, are integral to the structure. He says that with his intermittent visits to his family in Pakistan, he “learned Pakistan in slices” — and that’s how he gives us the story. Instead of the perforated sheet of Midnight’s Children, we have “fragments of broken mirrors,” which the author holds up and in which the world ofShame is reflected to us. Throughout, we see him adjusting the angles to refract a little more or a little less. The difficulty in discriminating how much is real and how much is fantasy and manipulation is part of the novel’s tension.

II.

It is difficult to resist the temptation to compare Shame to the now thrice-Booker-winning Midnight’s Children. In a 1995 piece declaring Saul Bellow’s 1953 Adventures of Augie March the Great American Novel, Martin Amis wrote: “Search no further. All the trails went cold forty-two years ago.” Similarly, if there is such a search for the Great Indian Novel, the trail went cold after the publication of Midnight’s Children in 1981. And it would indeed seem implausible that a novel about Pakistan would reach the same peaks as this earlier masterpiece.

At the risk of fidgeting with already tenuous definitions, it does seem that some countries have earned the Great Novel and some haven’t. The deserving nation at minimum evokes a sense of vastness, idealism and possibility, even if the promise is ultimately disappointed. This befits America and India, as it did Britain and Russia once upon a time. Meanwhile the shrunken land of Pakistan seems to have a more modest mandate, the intimate novel with small cast, of which there has been an excellent supply since at least the Lahore-based novelist Bapsi Sidhwa’s work in the late 1970s. In this century, Pakistani writers have taken a piece of their country’s territory and extracted all that they can from it, often brilliantly: Mohsin Hamid’s Moth Smoke (Lahore), Daniyal Mueenuddin’s In Other Rooms, Other Wonders (rural Punjab), Jamil Ahmad’s The Wandering Falcon (the tribal borderlands), Mohammed Hanif’s A Case of Exploding Mangoes (life in the military). Shame, however, goes for broke; it wants the whole nation.

The first few chapters alone go through a rich inventory of the idiosyncratically Pakistani: the three rebellious, irreverent matriarchs in Quetta; a brandy den in the same city; the cantonment school; the corrupt customs officer and post-office man; the eccentric maulana who rides around town on a scooter “donated by the Angrez sahibs, threatening the citizens with damnation”; tribal borderlands; rural Sindh (with a seamless description of its large, almost-desert landholdings: “In these parts, horizons serve as boundary fences.”); and a humorous exposition of the layers of secret deals behind Karachi’s Defense Housing Authority, a result of which “nobody ever questioned how it came about that the city’s most highly desirable development zone had been allotted to the defense services.”

There is great comedy — the corrupt customs officer, for example, throws his daughter out of the house when he “suddenly found that his empty customs house was too full to accommodate a daughter whose belly revealed adherence to other, unacceptable customs”; and pithy, pitch perfect meditations on the condition of Pakistan’s elite that recall Rushdie’s earlier career as an adman: “Little (except freedom) was denied him”; “You can get anywhere in Pakistan if you know people, even into jail.”

Rushdie is also a master of South Asian accents and verbal mannerisms: when, for example, a character asks, “For what you begums want this lock-shock now?” Or when another speaks of “eighteen-inch stiletto blades, sharp sharp,” and another berates, “God knows what you’ll change with all this shifting shifting.” “Dontyouthinkso” becomes one word to reflect its common quirky South Asian usage. As such instances become more frequent — “biskuts” instead of biscuits, “filmi types,” a character describing a crude child as “the junglee boy”— one can share Rushdie’s delight in retooling our vocabulary.

Translations from Urdu are chosen both for comedy and insight: there is the restive Needle Valley, after Balochistan’s Sui district (the word ‘sui’ meaning needle); and a newspaper named War, a translation of jang, which is the name of one of the country’s top media groups and their main daily newspaper, its name such a part of everyday discussion that we sometimes forget its literal meaning. The Urdu term for the man-to-man hug of greeting, galai se milna, sounds charmingly absurd when translated into “allowing their necks to meet.”

He gave us this mix in Midnight’s Children, too, but there’s something else in the tone here that distinguishes the two novels. Returning to Bellow for a moment, the great American writer supposedly found his voice when, seeing water gushing from a fire hydrant, he decided to adopt a literary style that reflected a comparable surge of elements, employing it for the first time in Augie March. The writing in Midnight’s Children could be described in the same way. Throughout, there is a sense of one story or character or place leaking all over the next. In his recently published memoir, Rushdie described it this way: “India was not cool. It was hot and overcrowded and vulgar and loud and it needed a language to match that and he [Rushdie] would try to find that language.”

Shame, meanwhile, is a much smaller, tighter work, in part a reflection of its author’s idea of Pakistan: not hot, not loud, but closed, censored, its possibilities more restricted. Instead of Saleem’s invocation to himself on the first page, “Oh, spell it out, spell it out,”Shame’s narrator prefers leaving “many questions in a state of unanswered ambiguity.” Yet, concealed underneath is nevertheless the same messiness and energy that we find in the earlier novel; the water is still in the hydrant but the internal pressure always high, causing bursts now and again. This gives the sentences a fresh, tantalizing volatility.

Some of the book’s best moments are indeed when Rushdie condenses his material. Harappa’s period in power, for example, which a reader familiar with Bhutto’s rule in the 1970s may expect to be covered in several long chapters, is instead captured in a single paragraph that runs for four pages. It is depicted through 18 embroidered shawls, classified by theme. For example, a slapping shawl:

Iskander a thousand times over raising his hand, lifting it against ministers, ambassadors, argumentative holy men, mill-owners, servants, friends, it seemed as if every slap he ever delivered was here, and how many times he did it [] see upon the cheeks of his contemporaries the indelible blushes engendered by his palm.

On the next page, elections shawls:

[O]ne for the day of suffrage that began his reign, one for the day that led to his downfall, shawls swarming with figures, each one a breathtakingly lifelike portrait of a member of the Front, figures breaking seals, stuffing ballot-boxes, smashing heads, figures swaggering into polling booths to watch peasants vote, stick-waving rifle-toting figures, fire-raisers, mobs, and on the shawl of the second election there were three times as many figures as the on the first […] and of course he’d had won anyway, daughter, no question, a respectable victory, but he wanted more, only annihilation was good enough for his opponents, he wanted them squashed like cockroaches under his boot, yes, obliteration, and in the end it came to him instead, don’t think he wasn’t surprised, he had forgotten he was only a man.

Seven years of revolutionary, autocratic government compressed into four intense pages.

Like Bhutto, Harrapa is deposed in a coup by his until-then sycophantic army chief Hyder; elections are postponed; and Hyder, with his ally the motor-scooter maulana whispering in one ear and the ghost of the hanged ex-prime minister taunting him in the other, and facing women-led insurrection on the streets, becomes an Islamizing dictator.

The novel’s penultimate chapter is titled, “Stability,” the word here of course offered not to suggest genuine peace and harmony, but as the main imperative of dictatorship, a response to the “danger of permitting the imagination too free a rein.” It in fact leaves out five crucial words, revealed later to complete General Hyder’s motto: “Stability, in the name of God.” The chapter begins with a synopsis of a play about the French Revolution featuring Georges Danton who, after playing a lead role in overthrowing the monarchy, is guillotined during Robespierre’s Terror because, in this version, “he is too fond of pleasure.” His indulgences are subversive, whereas the demands of the French public at the time are for order: “The people are like Robespierre. They distrust fun.” And hence the play’s lesson is that the duel between the epicure and the puritan forms “the true dialectic of history. Forget left-right, capitalism-socialism, black-white. Virtue versus vice, ascetic versus bawd, God against the Devil: that’s the game.”

It’s also a blood sport — and Shame is by far Rushdie’s most violent novel, climaxing in this blood-spattered chapter. As the dictatorship seeks “stability, in the name of God,” it has to oppress the public while appearing to be fulfilling the public’s needs. But all stability of this kind, even if it’s in the name of God, proves fragile. General Hyder, proving himself alas to be “only a man,” is overthrown by a terrorizing mob that may or may not be inspired by his repressed daughter, Sufiya. The final section is appropriately titled “Judgment Day.”

III.

The heroes of Rushdie’s novels are tragic because they believe or dream themselves to be larger than they are. In Midnight’s Children, Saleem envisions himself as the embodiment of the Indian nation, and the one causing historical events. Gibreel in The Satanic Verses dreams himself into the archangel. But these are, of course, fantasies, exposed by the end. India, for example, carries on with or without Saleem.

Shame’s declared ‘hero’, Omar Khayyam, never entertains such delusions: he accepts a peripheral role in history, watching “from the wings, not knowing how to act.” But the danger is that people who do influence the times, the Hyders and Harrapas, are just as average. Unlike Saleem and Gibreel, when they enlarge their roles, the consequences are severe.

History was old and rusted, it was a machine nobody had plugged in for thousands of years, and here all of a sudden it was being asked for maximum output. Nobody was surprised that there were accidents.

Those accidents leave long-term traumas, both external — separatism, secession, executions — and internal, as symbolized by the innocent Sufiya’s transformation into a murdering Beast that prowls the very “heart of the respectable world.” While iron rule may produce the trappings of stability and civility on the surface, it fails ultimately to conceal the novel’s innermost secret: “the impossible verity that barbarism [can] grow in cultured soil.” This revelation exposes and undoes the history-workers.

Towards the end of the book, when Raza Hyder has fallen, his wife Bilquis posits: “Once titans walked the earth.” And she reats, “Yes, titans absolutely, it’s a fact.”

“Now the pygmies have taken over, however,” she confided. “Tiny personages. Ants. Once he was a giant,” she jerked a thumb in the direction of her somnolent husband, “you would not believe to look, but he was. Streets where he walked shook with fear and respect, even here, in this very town. But, you see, even a giant can be pygmified, and he has shrunk now, he is smaller than a bug. Pygmies pygmies everywhere, also insects and ants — shame on giants, isn’t it? Shame on them for shrinking. That’s my opinion.”

The ideas in the two passages quoted here crest in a later novel, The Moor’s Last Sigh, to produce one of the finest passages in Rushdie’s work:

A tragedy was taking place all right, a national tragedy on a grand scale, but those of us who played our parts were — let me put it bluntly — clowns. Clowns! Burlesque buffoons, drafted into history’s theatre on account of the lack of greater men. Once, indeed, there were giants on our stage; but at the fag end of an age, Madam History must do with what she can get.

Although the country in this case is India, this treatise could just as easily summarize the tragedy in Shame.

IV.

More than for any other writer of his time, duels from Rushdie’s fiction find their way into real life. Shame is no exception. It is indeed eerie to read the author/narrator musing on the value of the Danton play in the “age of Khomeini,” when, at the end of that decade, Rushdie himself became arguably the most emblematic victim of that Age. At an earlier point, the author says that if he were writing a realistic book about Pakistan, that book “would have been banned, dumped in the rubbish bin, burned. All that effort for nothing!” Fortunately, he contends, “I am only telling a sort of modern fairy-tale, so that’s all right; nobody need get upset, or take anything I say too seriously. No drastic action need be taken, either. What a relief!”

Well, not quite. Realism showed through the fairy-tale, the military did get upset, and the book was banned. But if the narrator here underestimated Zia’s discriminating ear, he also overestimated the state’s ability to fully ban a book. Copies found their way around the regime. And almost 30 years later, the duel continues. Despite significant progress, free expression still contends against state censorship, winning a round here, losing one there. Recently, in the aftermath of an anti-Islam film trailer that provoked riots across the Muslim world, the government in Islamabad blocked Youtube, which remains inaccessible as of the writing of this essay. Meanwhile, insurgency and brutal military suppression continue in Balochistan, the army continues to interfere in politics, and Zia’s Islamization has proven very tough to reverse. If Shame’s political substance makes it relevant reading today, its language, inventiveness, and storytelling force will ensure its importance as a literary work even if — fingers crossed — those issues stop being current.

Despite coming under 300 pages, Shame is a big novel that goes for big ideas, about the individual and power, about state force and its limitations, about the imagination under authoritarian rule. It’s also a kaleidoscope, the broadest and liveliest yet, of this country’s complicated personality, full of pettiness and corruption and tragedy, but also rebellion and defiance and wit.

Given the great energy in Pakistani writing today, it would be hasty to say that the trail for the Great Pakistani Novel has gone cold. The 21st-century books mentioned earlier explore such diverse themes as immigration, conspiracy, bureaucracy, class divide, gender roles, army rule, tribal code, city life, proving how rich the material is. It’s possible that another big book that tries to encompass all of it is already in the works, and this possibility, this feeling that the Pakistani novel is still on the rise, is what makes this period in the nation’s literature so exciting.

But in the meanwhile, if searching for such a book, search no further than Shame.

[*] An earlier version of this essay appeared on theindiasite.com.

From Los Angeles Review of Books
http://lareviewofbooks.org/article.php?type&id=1182&fulltext=1&media#article-text-cutpoint
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uddari@live.ca
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‘The Clowns of Blasphemy’ by Fauzia Rafique

Dedicated to the unidentified mentally challenged man accused of desecrating the Quran who was taken from Chanighot police station, tortured and burnt alive by a mob of 1500-2000 religious zealots in Bahawalpur, July 3-4, 2012.

A constant clown of blasphemy
hangs over our heads
conducting this one-act
medieval play. Two three scenes
and a thousand different ways
to slaughter
men
and women
for insulting
their projection
of this entity,
the divinity,
whose man-made aura is then used
to assure
the smooth operation
of the nearest multinational
owned by the authors, directors, producers
and actors
of the Clowns of Blasphemy.
—— A one-act play
—— Boasting a blood-letting theme

Prestigious production
casting heathens
and kafirs, women
and witches, bombers
and terrorists
using real ammunition
emotions and blood, real-life deaths
announcements, pronouncements
bullying and threats. Un
-dying applause
from stunned
-into-submission
audiences. Firearms, rockets
rocks and ropes
expert skinning
hanging by the poles
klashnikov submissions
summary executions
burning with relish humans, books
music and songs
to protect the owners, holders, movers
and shakers
of the Clowns of Blasphemy.
—— A one-act play
—— Weaving a violent dream

Interacting with audiences
it fans the hysteria
to feed the hungry
wild fires
of our worldly
ambitions on the self-righteous
path to secure
for our leaders brand
new riches, collateral
damaging milli-
-ons of civi-
-llians
caught in fireworks
crossfires, revenge fires, suicide-fires
friendly-fires. With 560
army bases
on different
foreign lands, enacting
in its glory
the mafioso cultures of
the red-blood-handed
brown, yellow, black,
white investors of the Clowns of Blasphemy
—— A one-act play
—— Donning a fascist regime

Fauzia Rafique
uddari@live.ca
gandholi.wordpress.com
facebook.com/fauzia.zohra.rafique
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Remembering a legend – A tribute to Mehdi Hassan‏

A voice that ruled the hearts of South Asians for nearly half a century; a voice in which Lata Mangeshkar said she had found Bhagwan, continues on but the singer is no more with us.

The Shanshah-e-Ghazal Mehdi Hassan (1927-2012) passed away June 13 at 84.

To pay tribute to this great legend, the Committee of Progressive Pakistani Canadians (CPPC) and Naad Foundation are hosting an event. Program details are as under:

When: Sunday 17th June at 2:00 pm
Where: Naad Center for performing and visual arts
Unit No: 109, 12414- 82 Ave, Surrey BC.

Rest in Peace Mehdi Hassan Khan Sahab – you’re no longer with us but we will always remember you!

RSVP
Amarjeet Singh 778-883-2627
Shahzad Nazir Khan 604-613-0735

Photo from Mirza Ghalib group on Facebook.
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‘Chasing Fireflies’ by Avtar Singh

Pervaiz Elahi, Chief Minister of Pakistani Punjab, gave Capt. Amarinder Singh, his sarhad-paar counterpart, a horse. The good Captain reciprocated a few months later with a tractor. In the interim, a World Punjabi Conference was held, East and West Punjab games announced and a general atmosphere of cordiality and bonhomie prevailed. A reporter asked the Pakistani CM whether he felt he’d been one-upped by the Indian; if the eighty horses the tractor packed under its hood in effect trumped Pakistan’s solitary ghodi. Elahi laughed it off and said, ‘Muqabala mohabbat ka hai’, that the competition was one of love. The audience roared, the cameras clicked, the premises were awash in esprit de Kaur.

This happened almost a decade ago, in the mid-2000s. A scant few years previously, the Punjab countryside had been on the verge of being mobilised, with farmers hiding their vehicles for fear that the army, then moving en masse to the border, would commandeer them. A war had just been averted, neighbours with a history of bellicosity eyeing each other with disfavour across a mined and wired border. A sardar with deep roots in undivided Punjab had nominally taken charge in Delhi, but in Islamabad lurked a Mohajir general with no reason to love either Punjab or its products. So what, with respect, were these two chief ministers playing at?

A friend of mine, whose political acuity is aided by his interest in history, laughed at my question. The knickerwalas will never see an Akhand Bharat, he told me. But Punjab? That’s a different story.

The Pakistani Punjabis don’t care about the rest of their country. Neither, he pointed out, do you lot on this side. You feel besieged by no-hopers and laggards, just as your cousins across the border do. You share a language, cultural markers, even dream of the same things for your children. Cars, education, jobs abroad. You like sports and music and tikkas of all descriptions and you party like it’s still 1999.

Akhand Bharat? Never. But a united Punjab? Without testy Balochs and testing Biharis? Why not?

So it was a throwaway comment and events since haven’t panned out the way Messrs Singh and Elahi planned. The horse died, the games languished and the Punjabi conferences are now held in Canada, where the stated aim is to reflect on Unesco’s dire prediction that Punjabi as a language will die in this century. No, I haven’t seen the report. But I know that Punjabi literature is under threat on this side and I’ve seen the problems Punjabis across the border are facing from the onslaught of Urdu instruction. Gurmukhi and its Pakistani equivalent, Shahmukhi – apparently a Punjabi edition of the Nastaliq script more commonly available across the rest of the northern subcontinent – are at the mercy of texts that use the delivery systems of Devanagari, English and what have you and possibly you’ll see Punjabi degrade from a bhasha to a boli in our own lifetimes. It’s a sobering prospect.

But go to that other forum where the young Punjus conference. Youtube is its name. A new video, a new dance edit, a new take on ‘Jugni’: audit the responses among the comments underneath. Within the excoriations – ‘go back to Pindi, you f***in’ pendu’ – and the encomiums – ‘badasssss song, mate’ – lurks a pattern. A clear divide, to begin with, between nation. Then the creeping notion, first and foremost among the diasporic respondents, of a perceived commonality that transcends said nations. Then an impassioned plea from a resident Punjabi, writing in her mother tongue, albeit in a Romanized fashion, to rise above this petty state-ism and to recognise what binds ‘us all’ together. To enjoy the music, to listen to the words. In effect, to dig beneath the beats and the mastering and the bling. To remember.

What is a memory if not a dream?

What is a dream if not a template for the future?

Perhaps I’m reading too much into the drunk vapourings of foreigners homesick for a place they’ve never known.

But youtube pulls me back, again and again. I like the various ‘Jugnis’ I see there. A firefly’s fitful, brilliant incandescence is a wonderful thing. To catch one in a jar on a summer night is to see light and dark in the blink of an eye. Epic poetry, a sufi tradition, a bhakti saint and his descendants: an attachment to the land, a Sikh kingdom, a syncretism that may or may not have ever existed; harmony and cataclysm, rivers and deserts, Ghazis and Akalis, peace and war.

A civilization without a deciphered script that is still being excavated. Alexander defeated by the marshlands and the many rivers he had to cross, a world-conqueror stopped in his tracks. A proto-university in Taxila. Gandharas and Hunas, Buddhists and fire-worshippers, soma in pancha-nada.

Faridkot on this side and Ganj-e-Shakar across.

Pakistan? India?

Fireflies in a jar. The blink of an eye.

My father was born across the border in Lahore. He and his brothers went to school there. His mother studied there, who along with her sisters was among the first women in the community to attend Kinnaird College. Naturally, she went there wearing a veil.

His Lahore is one I’m familiar with from other people’s memories. Fruit cream in canteens, horse-carriages in the old city and cars in the new one. Well-dressed men in suits in the colleges, new restaurants being planned and along the margins, as a young boy will remember it, a town in the grip of some intellectual ferment. In the distance is a world war, accounts of which are to be woken up to and tabulated and closer to home is a pressing demand for independence but in the interim there are cricket teams to be tried out for. He has close friends from distant places who bring their own servants to the dormitories and the stories they tell him of their faraway homes match those of his own grandparents for their foreignness from the urban milieu he knows. Tellingly, his clearest memory of a visit to his paternal grandmother in her village home is being up on the roof and hearing a man softly singing Heer. If he’s on the roof, then it’s the summer holidays.

There must have been fireflies.

The tumult to come would disrupt his lifestyle to the extent that he had to shift schools and form new friendships. His maternal grandfather, on the other hand: he didn’t want to leave Lahore. His lands were on that side and so were his friends and what difference did a new dispensation make anyway to a man born under a foreign flag?

His son-in-law, my grandfather, had to physically remove him. Like many other men of his generation, perhaps he never really recovered.

Decades later, as my father’s generation started to marry their own children off, I began to meet the friends from that faraway school they’d never lost touch with. They would come with their own children to the weddings on this side and my elder cousins would go to their celebrations and they’d return with tales of monstrous feudalism that would make my father and his brothers chuckle. But no matter how differently we’d turned out, individually and collectively as Indians and Pakistanis, there was much to connect us. From the music at our weddings to the arcs our education had followed, both here and abroad: it would seem fated that we would remain friends.

I’ll grant you that this is the commonality of elites the world over. Clearly there are other narratives. A writer friend from Pakistan who is also a landlord described to me in great detail how the peasantry in his part of southern Punjab has now been radicalised by outsiders. From Pathans unable to protect their Sikh neighbours in the NWFP, for the first time in living memory, to bombs in Sufi shrines in the Punjabi heartlands; there is a pattern there as well and better minds than I will use it to rebut the theorists of commonality above all.

But. Even as the invitations of the last few decades have degraded to warnings of strife at home and hints that perhaps this wedding or that jubilee might be worth avoiding; even as the Old Boys on this side have progressed into their twilight decades and the points of connection now seem fewer and fewer; there is still something there. A look in my father’s eye as he describes Lahore, an uncle’s tale of a dancer’s beauty at a mujra, the sheen of the menus another uncle had had printed for a restaurant that never saw the light of Independent day.

Memories. Templates. Dreams.

My maternal great-grandfather’s unwillingness to leave the new state of Pakistan wasn’t an aberration. A friend of mine once told me the story of his own grandfather, who was so loath to leave his land in the new state, he was quite happy to consider conversion and circumcision and a new name. Men of their generation had known the hukumat of the British. What difference who ran the sarkar, what price the sound of the prayer or the script it’s printed in, when all that matters, the land itself, is still yours?

That old man was dragged kicking and screaming from his home and deposited in a new one across an arbitrary border. There were others who stayed and they are now part of the soil of Pakistan. Partition had greater victims, of course. The suffering of women left without choice in a landscape of cruelty that was at once methodical and insane is only starting to be documented. But it is instructive to remember that even men with ostensible options chose in a way that seems completely counter-intuitive to us, now, saddled as we are with the baggage of history. Nationalism, whatever you may think of it, is a powerful lens. It refracts what is there, whether we like it or not. India and Pakistan just are, complete with their founding myths. End of story.

Except it isn’t.

Imagine that firefly from my father’s childhood, listening to a peasant sing from Heer. Now she’s in a garden in Central Delhi, where Arif Lohar and friends are referencing her in a production from Pakistan’s popular Coke Studio. Arif Lohar’s father, Alam, was of course a legendary folk singer himself, who along with Asa Singh Mastana and Surinder Kaur first brought ‘Jugni’ to the attention of the record-buying public. That firefly is in a well-dressed whirl, as togged-out Dilliwalis who’ve never known a day’s worth of hard labour on anyone’s land swing and sway to a rhythm that speaks, it seems, to something deep within. These words, these references, the insistent beat: like a reflection, a refraction, a missive from the past.

Do you think this firefly wastes any time thinking over the criticisms of people who ‘know’, who claim that it is naive to believe that ‘Jugni’ is just a firefly? Does she spare a thought for the peasants over whose worlds she’s flown; does she giggle at the suggestion that those ‘simple’ peasants don’t know a narrative device when it’s sung to them by the dhadhis they’ve grown up with, that metaphors are foreign countries to those fools from the Punjab plains? Does she remember Bulleh Shah entreating his lover to come out from behind a veil and Nanak likening creation to an aarti? Or does she just listen and glow, glow as one does when all was darkness and suddenly everything is lucid and clear? Even if it is only for that moment, that evening, the length of that song.

Fireflies don’t live very long. Certainly not in Central Delhi. But a digital recording is apparently forever.

I started writing this thinking I’d come up with a single alternative, if you will, to the current diorama. Imagine if the schism had never happened, I was instructed. Ignore Amrita Pritam calling Waris Shah out of his grave, ignore Ahmed Faraz’s query to the celebrants, asking them which dismembered state’s founding they were jumping up and down about. I’m a Punjabi Sikh. The way ahead was clear.

But it’s not.

The schism just is.

So what?

Punjab’s always been riven. By invasion, by geology. Between brothers, even. Even when land wasn’t so damned expensive.

Perhaps we don’t know how to get along. And all we have to look forward to is the occasional kindness of a taxi driver in a foreign city who recognises a word, an accent, a name, and comps you the fare because the village his senile grandfather cries about at night is the one you still call home.

Or perhaps you could, like I did, chase fireflies on youtube. From Mika’s thin tone to the full-throated hoarseness of a dhadhi from Patiala in Oye Lucky Lucky Oye, there’s more than enough to keep you occupied. Peel back the layers and find Latif Mohammed’s versions. Yes, Kuldeep Manak. Jasbir Jassi and Madan Gopal Singh reference him in their very modern take. Gurdas Maan, Rabbi Shergill, Mukhtar Sahota: the list goes on. And the debate rages on below the videos themselves. There’s a lover for every hater.

Kind of like Punjab. And the only binary that’s new is the simple one of the computer code itself, that enables people from everywhere and nowhere, India and Pakistan, you and me, to imagine the world afresh with the tools we’ve always had.

I’d like to think that one day I’ll be able to get that firefly to sit down and have a drink with me. Well, four or five. She’s Punjabi too. And I’d like to think I know what she’d say, when she judged the moment right to unship the wisdom of her wandering about to me.

‘F*** India. F*** Pakistan. Punjab te Punjab hai.’

Presented in April 2012 at
A COUNTRY OF OUR OWN
a symposium on re-imagining South Asia
http://www.india-seminar.com/2012/632.htm

http://www.india-seminar.com/2012/632/632_avtar_singh.htm

Pointed to by Amarjit Chandan
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The Origins of Pakistan

In the days following the Revolt of 1858, Bahadur Shah Zafar, wrote: “The world goes on changing Zafar with the changing times/What sights it then displayed what sights it now provides.” The destruction wrought by the British on the rebels, wrote Zafar, left behind desolate graves, roaming jackals and brambles where there had once been stately palaces, bustling towns, and resplendent gardens.

If 1858 brought with it defeat and uncertainty, the years ahead brought fear for men of Zafar’s social class, the ashraf of the United Provinces. The ashraf were the “noble” section of Indo-Muslim society, tracing ancestry to those Muslims who had entered Hindustan from the Middle-East, Persia or Central Asia.

The ashraf had been one of the most privileged classes of Hindustan before 1858. So 1858 heralded both the end of a long period of Indo-Muslim dynasties in northern India and threatened to end a civilization and way of life. Faced with the creation of a “Hindu” electoral majority with its awakened sense of self and a growing number of Hindu castes in the civil service and legal profession, the ashraf mobilized politically to retain what privilege it could.

While even after 1858, the ashraf occupied a disproportionate share of civil servants and judicial officers in the local bureaucracy and courts, its respective shares declined in contrast to rising Hindu caste groups. It was this threat of becoming backward, rather than actual backwardness, which the ashraf feared. Although it positioned itself as the representative of an all-India Muslim constituency, it was concerned first with maintaining its own survival and privilege. In doing so, the ashraf projected itself as a “distinctive” minority community deserving protection.

The ashraf argued it was distinctive communally as a religiously distinctive community of Muslims. It was also distinctive ancestrally as a peoples descended from Muslims from outside the subcontinent in contrast to those Muslims who had converted from Hinduism to Islam (the ajlaf). It was also distinctive socially and culturally as the former ruling elite of the Indo-Gangetic plain.

Against this, Sayyid Ahmad Khan proclaimed the ashraf a qaum or nation within Hindustan. Beginning in the 1880’s, Sayyid Ahmad devoted his energies to advocating the interests of Muslims, even if much of the reference to “Muslims” was little less than an attempt to preserve the privilege and power of the ashraf.

As Deutsch notes, a “leading social group” will often try to organize itself into a nationality so as to remain above other social groups in terms of current prestige and economic, political and social opportunities. Related (but not equal) members of other social groups can join this nationality, which offers opportunities for “rising in the world,” or “moving vertically in society.” In times of competition, this “nationality” acts as an implied claim to privilege because it emphasizes group preference and group peculiarities, and tends to exclude outside competitors.

In organizing itself politically, the ashraf was motivated by its status as an already privileged minority which “was determined to maintain its privileges.” In assuming leadership of the Muslim community, the Ashraf could mobilize its co-religionists for the common cause of pressing for special interests as a distinctive community in British India. In doing so, the ashraf could voice its interests for Muslims at the all-India level while maintaining its dominance within the Indo-Muslim community.

Published in: on March 15, 2012 at 8:26 am  Leave a Comment  
Tags: , , , , , , , ,

‘Indian Obsessions: China’ by Randeep Purewall

Even as he spoke of ‘India China Bhai Bhai’, Nehru wrote about China in his personal letters as India’s ‘foe or adversary for a considerable time to come’. Just after India conducted nuclear tests in April 1998, the then Minister of Defence George Fernandes proclaimed China as India’s ‘potential threat number one’. And again in May 2011, a Times of India article rang alarm bells about the expansion of the Chinese navy into the Bay of Bengal.

Whether it is the lingering trauma of China’s invasion of India in 1962, China’s coziness with Pakistan, or India’s endless self-comparison against China’s higher GDP growth rates and HDI rankings, the idea of China as a threat or competitor to India is an Indian obsession. But while many Indians focus on the actions of the Chinese toward India, few have reflected on factors that are part of India’s own national psyche. Why is India so fixated on China? How does India see itself in the world? And how does this affect India’s perception of China?

Like any country, India perceives other countries the same way that a particular person may perceive (or misperceives) another person. And just as it is difficult, if not impossible, for one individual to observe another individual objectively, free from personal bias, belief or experience, so too can it be difficult for one country to perceive another country ‘objectively’ free from history, realpolitik, or nationalist ideology.

India’s perception of China is affected by India’s perception of itself and its place in the world. With the birth of the idea of a united India under the British, and the rediscovery of ancient Indian learning, many Indian nationalists, including Nehru in The Discovery of India, became convinced that India had once been ‘great’ and dreamed that destiny would restore it to such greatness. The idea of India’s greatness was lavishly displayed at the First Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi in March 1947. It found echoes in Nehru’s ‘tryst with destiny’, and spawned the ‘Nehruvian’ school of Indian foreign policy thinking which envisioned India as a key player in Asia and the world. It later became India Shining under the BJP in the 2003 reelection campaign after India’s GDP received a boost from good monsoon rains.

China is a threat to India because it threatens to challenge or appropriate India’s own belief that it is the great Asian power. Not only does China share with India a conviction of its own historic destiny as a great power, but China also lays claim to being one of the most successful and influential civilizations in Asia and the world.

Whereas India may be an emerging or potential emerging power, the China threat is already arriving or has arrived through its growing share of world trade, its diplomatic and political influence through the United Nations, and the ‘soft power’ challenge of the Chinese model of development. For India, Chinese actions such as the 1962 invasion or competition for resources in Africa are threatening not simply in and because of themselves, but because they challenge India’s own belief that it should be the preeminent power in Asia and have its place amongst the great powers of the world.

If we challenge India’s beliefs about itself, we also change its perceptions of others. By challenging India’s beliefs that is inherently ‘great’, or destined for ‘greatness’, its perception of other countries like China who are rapidly growing economically or becoming powerful diplomatically, may become less distorted. China may instead start to look like a developing country that is working hard to achieve self-sufficiency and prosperity after its own troubled history. By looking at what may influence one country’s perception of another, we can appreciate why Pakistan perceives India a certain way, why Israel looks at the Palestinian authority in a particular light, and how perceptions can be readjusted by challenging and discrediting core beliefs in inflated national selves, mythologies and destinies.

Randeep Purewall is a lawyer, researcher and cultural activist based in Surrey, Canada. Contact him at:
rspurewall@gmail.com
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‘Eid and International Day of Missing Persons’ by Amina Masood Janjua

Year 2011 has turned into a doubly sorrowful symbol for the families of Missing persons of Pakistan as International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearance and Eid fall on consecutive days. This year has another significance because from today United Nations has also officially marked it as the International day of the victims of enforced disappearance.

For some of us it is the first Eid without one of our family member, for some it is fifth and for some of us it is tenth. But we are not talking about deceased family members whom one burries with own hands instead these are the missing loved ones subjected to enforced disappearance. Here one must remember that ‘Enforced Disappearance’ is a legal term of international law coined by United Nation’s legal instruments. It denotes a disappeared or missing person who has been kidnapped and detained illegally by state run institutions, placing them outside the protection of law; the very institutions which are created and constituted to prevent citizens from all atrocities including kidnapping. It is like being robbed by your own watchman.

There are abundant and overwhelming evidences, affidavits and eyewitnesses which have already confirmed the presence of loved ones in the custody of local agencies, many of whom have been handed over to foreign agencies. The irony of the situation is that ex president Gen Perwaiz Musharraf and ex minister of interior Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao have authenticated, with a criminal pride, in their books and media statements that they have been enforce disappearing Pakistani citizens in exchange for American dollars. Even more distressing is the fact that the crime of enforced disappearance has accelerated in the present democratic government. We assert that if Gillani government denies this fact than it means that they have no control on agencies who are still in pursuit of American money.

The perpetrators of this crime not only kidnap people but harass their families so much that most of them don’t dare to launch a complaint. More than 1200 families have contacted and registered their cases with Defence of Human Rights. Due to different hurdles and lack of enough funds Defence of Human Rights is representing only 322 cases in Supreme Court. Punjab stands at number one with 174 cases whereas KPK, Balochistan, Sindh, Azad Jammu Kashmir, Islamabad Capital Territory follow with 96, 19, 25, 7, 11 cases respectively.

In a Statement by the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or involuntary Disappearances to mark the first UN International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances it asserts, ‘Unfortunately, enforced disappearances continue to be used by some States as a tool to deal with situations of conflict or internal unrest. We have also witnessed the use of the so-called ‘short term disappearances,’ where victims are placed in secret detention or unknown locations, outside the protection of the law, before being released weeks or months later, sometimes after having been tortured and without having been brought in front of a judge or other civil authority.

This very worrisome practice, whether it is used to counter terrorism, to fight organized crime or suppress legitimate civil strife demanding democracy, freedom of expression or religion, should be considered as an enforced disappearance and as such adequately investigated, prosecuted and punished.”

On this day Defence of Human Rights Pakistan wants to draw your attention to the thousands of Pakistani families which are aggrieved for years whose loved ones, brothers, fathers, husbands, sons, daughters and even children are abducted by local and foreign intelligence agencies.

Our contentions as the voice for the Missing Person’s families are that in all laws of the world keeping anybody ‘Missing’ is Illegal. United Nations’ convention has declared it as ‘crime against humanity’. According to the same convention, families of the missing persons have been established as equal victims of Enforced Disappeared. This reality makes the total victims of enforced disappearance in Pakistan ten times more than registered number.

When a loved one is kept in secret confinement without any knowledge and contact to the family for years, it is the worst torture on earth.

Defence of Human Rights enjoys a unique status in the fight against Enforced Disappearance as this is an organization which has been created and is being run by the victim families of this heinous crime. We have been making efforts and struggling day and night for years to trace our loved ones. The sufferings and agonies involved in illegal abductions are enormous and must be dealt on priority.

Defence of Human Rights is lucky in this regard that our cause is being supported by all factions of the society. But the one who is unmoved is the Government of Pakistan. The need of the hour is to intensify the pressure on the Government of Pakistan demanding immediate release of loved ones and to put an end to Enforced Disappearance forever and to ratify ‘International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance’ passed by UN. Eighty eight countries with clean conscience have already signed it. We also demand to stop all sorts of brutal, inhumane treatments and tortures going on in jails and secret detentions.

We want to convey the desperation and grief of the families who are waiting every second for any information regarding their missing relatives and for their release. The gravity and alarming nature of the issue and the threat it poses to the advancing world because of the rapid growth in number of people Enforced disappeared, demands for immediate action.

We plead to the parliamentarians of all political parties to raise this issue in Parliament and take measures to ratify United Nation’s ‘International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance’ and legislate proper laws to end this shameful practice from Pakistan. We also demand that Enforced Disappeared persons and their families should be rehabilitated, compensated and should be given all the medical and psychological treatment required, by the government.

It is apt on this occaison to thank the civil society, lawyers’ community, political parties, groups of civil society, students etc for sharing our grief and taking part in our struggle. We also thank international human rights associations like Cage Prisoners of UK, Amnesty International, Pakistan USA freedom forum, International Action Centre, Human Rights Watch, and others, for the extraordinary support extended by them.

Amina Masood Janjua
Chairperson And team of Defence of Human Rights Pakistan
(Campaign for the Release of Missing Persons in Pakistan)
3rd floor Majeed PlazaBank Road Rawalpindi Cantt
+92-51-5511686
+92-301-5240550
mrsjanjua@gmail.com
http://www.dhrpk.org

Date: 30th Aug 2011
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Iftikhar Nasim Ifti – English and Urdu Poems

Ghazal
By Iftikhar Nasim Ifti

Saza he de hai, duaoun main bhe asar de kar
zuban le gaya meri, mujhay nazar de kar

khud apnay dil se mita de hai khawahish-e-parwaaz
ura diya hai magar khud usko apnay par de kar

nikal paray hain sabhi ab panah-gahon se
gozar gae hai seeah shub, ghum-e-sahar de kar

usay main apni safai main kia bhala kehta
wo poochta tha jo mohlat bhe mukhtasar de kar

Ghazal
By Iftikhar Nasim Ifti

Kise k haq main sahi, faisla hoa tu hai
mera nahi, wo kise shaks ka hoa tu hai

Ye he bohat hai k us ne mujhay bhe mas tu kia
ye lams mujh main abhi tak racha hoa tu hai

Usay main khul k kabhi yaad kar tu sakta hon
mujhay khushi hai, wo mujh se juda hoa tu hai

Sakot-e-shub he sahi mera humsafar lekin
meray siwa bhe koe jaagta hoa tu hai

Ghutan k barhti chali ja rahi hai andar ki
tamaam khush hain k mousam khula hoa tu hai

Ye aur baat k main zinda reh gaya hon Naseem
har ek sitam meri jan par rawa hoa tu hai

Poem
By Iftikhar Nasim Ifti

There was no knock at the door
My cats were waiting in the foyer,
Listening to the steps passing by.
Children were knocking at door
of the apartment in front of mine.
“Trick or treat. Trick or treat”
My money jar full of quarters
looked so empty.
What happened? Who played
These dirty tricks on me?
Thirty one year as a law abiding citizen
I am still a foreigner. Foreigner
With a crude face and features of
a terrorist. My color two shade
Darker than an average white man
Is not accepted anymore.
My café ole color, once I was so proud of,
Is a guilt trip for me now.
My ethnicity has become a crime.

Mean streets of Chicago have become meaner.
“Go back to your country. Go back to your country.”
They yell at me.
And I am a citizen of USA
with no country.
Airports, train stations, shopping malls, schools,
Hospitals wherever I go, I am watched and scrutinized.
I yearn for the freedom I came here for.
Right now I am worst than a slave.
I am tired. I am tired. I feel like Rosa Park
and there is no bus for me.
Because I am not only two shade darker
than an average white man
But I am also a Muslim

Mere Baabaa
By Iftikhar Nasim Ifti

Mere Baabaa,
sab kahte haiN
merii shakl
aap se miltii-jultii hai

merii aaNkheN
merii peshaanii
mere hoNT
meraa lahjaa
baateN karne kaa andaaz
uThne-baiThne
chalne-phirne ka andaaz
mere haathoN kii harkat
sab kuch aap hii jaisaa hai

maiNe sunaa hai beTaa
baap kii nasl kaa vaaris hotaa hai

mere zehn meN ek savaal ubhartaa hai
maiN jo bilkul aap par huuN
to phir merii tarjiih-e-jins
aapse kyuuN is darja alag hai?

My Father
By Ifti Naseem

My father,
everyone says
my appearence
resemble yours.

My eyes
my forehead
my lips
my accent
the way I talk
sit around
the way I walk;
movement of my hands,
everything is like yours only.

I have heard that the son
is the heir of his father’s lineage.

A questions comes to my mind.
If I am exactly like you
then why my sexual preference
is so much different from yours?

Courtesy Syed Raza

Poems selected by:
Tabby Shahida
http://www.facebook.com/home.php#!/profile.php?id=530977471&sk=notes
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Poet Romantic Revolutionary – Faiz Ahmed Faiz – Bradford July 16/11

Tribute to Legend in Bradford
Poet, Romantic, Revolutionary – Faiz Ahmed Faiz

We cordially invite you to attend a centenary event to pay tribute to one of the greatest international poets of the twentieth century, even in death, Faiz’s extraordinary ability to bring together nations, often entangled in bitter disagreements, persists. His continuing importance, to the 21st century, as a major literary voice whose words continue to have the power to move peoples’ hearts and minds the world over cannot be overstated.

7.00 p.m.
Saturday, 16 July 2011
Kala Sangam
St. Peters Squire, 1 Forster Square, Bradford BD1 4TY

Program
Introduction: Laiqa Shiekh & Dr. Geetha Upadhyaya (7/8 minutes)
Message from Councillor: (5 minutes)
Talk on Faiz ahmed Faiz: Helen Goodway (15 minutes)
Poem of Faiz: Mehmooda Hadi (5 minutes)
Song: Dr. Ashfaq Ahmad Khan(5 minutes)
Talk on Faiz: Professor Nazir Tabbasum (7/8 minutes)
Poem for Faiz: Tasneem Hassan (5 minutes)
Recitation of Faiz by other participants: (10 minutes)
Song: Dr. Ashfaq Ahmad Khan (5 minutes)
Discussion and Contribution from the floor and Questions and Answers (20 minutes)
Thanks: Lala Younis, Bradford Faiz National Centenary Organising Committee
Total Time: 1 hour and 30 minutes

RSVP
Co-ordinators:
Mohsin Zulifqar, 07540 829564
Prof Nazir Tabassum, 07828 174854
Lala M. Younas, 07878 996658
Ajit Singh, 07720 400242
Cllr Mohammad Shafiq, 07904120986
Pervez Fateh, 07958 541672
Sarwan Singh, 07989 062965
Khalid Saeed Qureshi, 07869433475
Dr Geetha Upadhyaya, 01274 303340
Cllr Mohammad Shafiq, 07904120986

Jointly organised by Faiz Centenary National Organising Committee and Kala Sangam Bradford.
http://uk.faizcentenary.org
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Call for Submissions: Vallum Magazine for Pakistani Poetry-Aug 31/11

Vallum Magazine is featuring a special issue on PAKISTANI POETRY
(Vol. 9:1 fall/winter 2011)

VALLUM 9:1 – PAKISTANThis special edition of Vallum will feature poetry, essays, and/or interviews from a Pakistani origin or perspective.

Also seeking submissions of unpublished work on any aspect of Pakistani poetry by Canadian or Landed Immigrants of Pakistani origin or Canadians interested in Pakistan.

DEADLINE: August 31, 2011

http://www.vallummag.com/upcoming_issues.html

General Submission Guidelines
Vallum magazine is interested in poetry, prose poems, concrete poems, essays, interviews and reviews on poetry.

Length of submissions
Poetry : 4-7 poems Essay : 5-6 pages
Interview : 3-5 pages
Review : 1-3 pages
Letter to the editor : up to 1 page
Art : B&W or colour (art work must be available in high-resolution printout or electronic format.)

Vallum is interested in work that is
Original and previously unpublished.
Poetry that’s fresh and edgy, something that reflects contemporary experience and is also well-crafted.
Open to most styles – experimental and traditional.

Acquires First North American Serial Rights.
No simultaneous submissions.
Essay and review submissions must follow North American, MLA Style guidelines. Artwork can be colour and/or black and white. Colour is preferred for covers; black and white preferred to be featured inside magazine, but will consider colour.
Vallum is published twice a year.
Poems are accepted by regular mail only.
Essays, reviews, interviews, letters to the editor and art work can be sent by regular mail or through our Online Submission page.

SEND TO
Vallum
P.O. Box 598, Victoria Stn
Montreal, Quebec
H3Z 2Y6
Canada

SUBMIT ONLINE
http://www.vallummag.com/submissions/
Vallum Society for Arts & Letters Education
http://www.vallummag.com/submission.html.
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A Tribute to Ahmad Salim – Islamabad – June 23/11

A Celebration of Fifty Years of Writing
Thursday, June 23rd, 2011
10:30am-12:30pm
SDPI Seminar Hall
38 Embassy Road, G-6/3, Islamabad

Speakers
Nafeesa Shah
MNA & Chairperson, National Commission for Human Development (NCHD)
Tariq Rahman
Professor/Director, National Institute of Pakistan Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University
Zafarullah Khan
Executive Director, Centre for Civic Education (CEC)
Abid Q. Suleri
Executive Director, Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI)

Ahmad Saleem, Senior Advisor at SDPI, is a teacher, language instructor, archivist, writer, poet, researcher, translator, and editor with the Government of Pakistan, media, international organizations and research institutions.

He has received Presidential Pride of Performance Award in 2010 for his excellent contributions in the field of literature. He has also won many other awards including the Writer’s Guild Award, Masood Khaddarposh Award, Satguru Ram Singh Azadi Award (UK), Punjabi Adabi Sangat Award (UK) and best script for PTV documentary (Cholistan) in 1978.

Ahmad Salim was born on 26 January 1945 in village Miana Gondal in district Mandi Bahauddin of Punjab. This year will mark the 50th year of his untiring services with pen as his first publication was written way back in 1961 during his secondary school education. Since then he has contributed over 200 publications including 95 books, 25 research publications (4 on curriculum/ education), 10 international publications and many articles in reputed newspapers.

From 1996 to June 2007, Ahmad Salim worked as Director of Urdu Publications for SDPI and he continues working with the Institute as Senior Advisor. He has also been associated with the South Asian Research and Resource Centre (SARRC).

ENTRY IS OPEN TO ALL

Faisal Nadeem Gorchani & Sadia Sharif
Sustainable Development Policy Institute Email: sadia@sdpi.org
Email: gorchani@sdpi.org

More on Ahmad Salim
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‘Skeena: a Woman Beyond Borders سکینہ: سرحداں توں پار دی عورت’ Review by Surjeet Kalsey

Presented by Surjeet Kalsey at the launch of novel ‘Skeena’ by Fauzia Rafique (Libros Libertad, 2011) in Surrey on April 9, 2011

سکینہ: سرحداں توں پار دی عورت
(فوزیہ رفیق دا ناول “سکینہ”)
ریویو: سرجیت کلسی

فوزیہ رفیق دے ناول “سکینہ” نال میرا رشتہ بہت پرانا ہے کوئی ویہہ پنجھی سال پہلاں جدوں میں فوزیہ نوں اک کانفرنس تے ٹورانٹو ملی سکینہ ناول اودوں دا ہی لکھیا جا رہیا سی۔ اس دے کانڈ ہولی ہولی وگست ہوندے گئے تے ہن آخری روپ وچ ساڈے ہتھاں وچ پہنچیا ہے۔ ناول دی شروعات مادھو لال حسین دی اس کافی نال بہت ہی خوبصورت ڈھنگ نال ہوندی ہے اتے کافی دی ہر سطر ناول دا اک کانڈ ہو نبڑدی ہے:

جھمے جھم کھیڈ لے منجھ ویہڑے، جپدیاں نوں ہر نیڑے
ویہڑے دے وچ ندیاں وگن، بیڑے لکھ ہزار
کیتی اس وچ ڈبدی ویکھی، کیتی لنگھی پار
اس ویہڑے دے نو دروازے، دسویں قلف چڑھائی
تس دروازے دے محرم ناہی، جت شوہ آوے جائی
ویہڑے دے وچ آلا سوہے، آلے دے وچ تاکی
تاکی دے وچ سیج وچھاواں، آپنے پیا سنگ راتی
اس ویہڑے وچ مکنا ہاتھی، سنگل نال کھہیڑے
کہے حسین فقیر سائیں دا، جاگدیاں کوں چھیڑے
(مادھو لال حسین لاہور، ١٥٣٩-١٥٩٩)

بھاگ (١) منجھ ویہڑے (پنڈ ١٩٧١)، سماں “لوڈھے ویلے”،” نماشیں” تے اگلا پاٹھ “رات” ہے۔
بھاگ (٢) مکنا ہاتھی (لاہور ١٩٨١)، جس وچ “میلہ” تے میلے وچ محبوب نوں ملن دا تصور -
رات ویلے محبوب نوں ملن جاندیاں ہولی ہولی تر کدھرے تیری پازیب دی آواز توں لوکاں نوں خبر نہ ہو جائے؛ “اگلے دیہاڑے” دیکھی جائے گی کیہ ہوندا اے تاں جاں فیر “کنڈھے رہی کھلو” ١٩٨٢ دا واقعہ ہے۔

بھاگ (٣) سنگل نال کھہیڑے (ٹورانٹو ١٩٩١) دی “سویر”؛ ٹورانٹو دی “رات” تے ٹورانٹو دے ہی “سرگی ویلے” ساریاں گھٹناواں دا پسار پیکا گھر پاکستان، تے سوہرا گھر ٹورانٹو دا بہت نیڑے دا آلا دوالا ہے جس نال سکینہ دا کوئی واسطہ نہیں پیا ہووے۔ ملک بدلن نال اوہ سماج اوہ دھارناواں اوہ وطیرے تاں نہیں نہ بدلدے، جویں دے تویں ہی رہندے ہین، تے عورت دا درجہ وی اوہی رہندا اے جو گھردیاں نے دتا ہوندا ہے؛ سماج تاں پچھوں آؤندا ہے۔

بھاگ (٤) جاگدیاں کوں چھیڑے (سرے ٢٠٠١) جس وچ “ناں” وچ کیہ پیا اے، ناں تاں کوئی وی ہو سکدا ہے پر ناواں دے بھلیکھے کئی وار زندگی دے اینے وڈے بھلیکھے ہو نبڑدے ہین کہ جیہناں چوں نکلنا مشکل ہو جاندا ہے تے کجھ اس طرحاں دیاں گھٹناواں واپردیاں ہین “اگ”، “رولا”، تے “میری کوئی تواریخ نہیں”۔

سکینہ دا پسار دو ملکاں پاکستان تے کینیڈا وچ وچردا وگسدا تیہہ سالاں دا برتانت حاضر ہے۔ اک بالڑی دیاں معصوم اکھاں آس پاس جو دیکھدیاں ہین تے اوس دے کن جو وڈیاں نوں کہندیاں سندے نے تے فیر اوس دی آپنی نرچھوہ پاردرشی سوچ اوہناں گلاں تے گھٹناواں نوں جس طرحاں گرہن کردی ہے اوس دا ویروے سہت بیان دلچسپ ہے۔ سکینہ روشن دماغ تے سوخم دل والی کڑی دی حیاتی دا روچک تے بے باک ورنن ہے۔ گھٹنا-در-گھٹنا چھوٹیاں وڈیاں گھٹناواں اک دوجی دا ہتھ پھڑی لڑی ہار تردیاں ہین جویں اک سین بعد دوجا سین آ جاندا ہے تے فلم اگے ودھدی جاندی ہے۔ ناول دی ایہہ ودھاء جتھے جیون-برتانت ہون دا بھلیکھا پاؤندی ہے اوتھے اک پاتر-پردھان ناول والے سارے گن سمائی بیٹھی ہے۔ جگیاسا پاٹھک نوں نال لے کے چلدی ہے، اگے کیہ ہووےگا دی چیٹک لاؤندی ہے، پاٹھک نوں انگلی لا کے سکینہ دوڑی جاندی ہے۔

سکینہ دی بولی دی روانگی تے پچھمی پنجاب دی گھیو-گھنی پنجابی پڑھ کے اک وکھری قسم دا احساس ہوندا ہے جس وچ موہ، جھڑک، اپدیش تے صلاح دا احساس ہندا ہے محاورہ شدھ پنجابی تے شبد-چون ڈاڈھی ڈھکویں تے کھچ پاؤ۔ بھا دا رعب داب لہجہ، اماں دا گھر دے ہور جیاں تے دبدبے والا، موہ والا تے سلاہیا لہجہ بولی توں ہی انوبھو ہوندا ہے۔

سکینہ دا وشا-وستو: عورت۔ عورت دا پیکے گھر وچ، عورت دا سوہرے گھر وچ تے سماج وچ درجہ/رتبہٰ سبھیاچارک تے روائتی پچھوکڑ وچ سکینہ عورت دا اک بمب بن ابھردی ہے؛ جس بارے پیکیاں دے سوہریاں دے، تے سماج دے (ہینکڑ جاں اونر والے)، وچار جاں وچاردھارا تے دھارنواں دا کچا-چٹھا پیش کردی ہے۔ اوس دی بولنی، کہنی، رہنی، کرنی تے انسکھاوے ورتاریاں تے کنتو کرن دی سمرتھا نوں جو کھنڈھا کرکے رکھدے ہین کیونکہ اوہ اک عورت ہے جس دا رول حداں وچ رہنا ہے، ایتھوں تک کہ دند کڈھ کے ہسن دی وی مناہی ہے۔ ناول وچوں اگے دو بند پیش کردی ہاں ایہہ دو سین ہین جو پیکیاں دے پیار دیاں موہ دیاں ریشمی تنتاں وچ نوڑی سکینہ وڈی ہوندی ہے

١٩٨٢ وچ جدوں “کئی سیاسی پارٹیاں دے لیڈراں نوں گھر-بندی دا پتہ ہونا اے۔ سرکار کسے نوں اوہدے گھر وچ قید کردی اے، اخباراں وچ خبراں لگدیاں نیں، لوکی لیڈر نوں آزاد کراؤن لئی سرکار تے زور پاندے نیں۔ اوس لیڈر تے اوس پارٹی دا مل ودھ جاندا اے۔

“پر میں، آودے بھا تے ماں جی دی گھر-بندی وچ بس اک اینجہی زنانی آں جیہنوں آودے آپ نوں درست کرن دی لوڑ اے۔نہ اخبار وچ خبر آئی اے، نہ کسے نے میری آزادی لئی کسے نوں کجھ آکھیا اے، تے نہ میرا مل ودھیا اے۔

“ایہہ قیدن سوہنا پاؤندی، چنگا کھاندی تے سانبھ کے رکھی جاندی اے۔ اک گھر دی اتلی منزل تے اک بیڈ تے باتھ اے، کمرہ شاہی قلعے دیاں کئی کوٹھڑیاں توں وڈا ہونا اے۔ روز سویرے ساڈھے چھ وجے چاندی دی ٹرے وچ ناشتہ آ جاندا اے۔ قیدن ست وجے توڑی آودے چار سادی کاٹن دے سوٹاں وچوں اک پا کے تیار ہندی اے۔ نماز پڑھ، قرآن شریف دے تیہاں پاریاں وچوں اک پڑھنا شروع کردی اے۔ اوہ پارہ دس یاراں وجے توں پہلوں ختم ہو جاندا اے، کیدن اوہنوں ولاء پڑھدی اے، اس واری اردو وچ۔”

پیکیاں دے گھر وچ سانبھ سانبھ کے رکھی جاندی چیز وانگ عورت جد اچانک بیگانے گھر تور دتی جاندی ہے پتی دے گھر اودوں نو-ویاہی اتے اوتھوں دے نیم لاگو کر دتے جاندے ہن؛ سکینہ دی شادی کینیڈا دے اک رجے پجے گھر دے آدمی نال کر دتی جاندی ہے تے سکینہ ہن آپنا ملک چھڈ بیگانے ملک تے بیگانے گھر وچ نواز کردی ہے اجے اوس نوں اوتھوں دے ماحول وچ انکولن وی نہیں ہون دتا جاندا کہ میہنے طعنے تے کھروا ورتاؤ پہلاں ہی شروع ہو جاندا ہے۔ نویں ووہٹی دا چاء کدھرے اڈ پڈ جاندا ہے صرف اینا ہی واسطہ رکھیا جاندا ہے کہ گھر وچ اک عورت لیاندی گئی ہے جس دا فرض بندا ہے کہ اوہ باقی دے سارے جیاں دی خدمت کرے، جے کوتاہی کردی ہے تاں اوس نال جو سلوک کیتا جاندا ہے اوس دا دل-ونوا بیان ہے ٹورانٹو دا پتی دا گھر:

“لوکاں شور پایا ہویا اے، کوئی مینوں کھچ کے کھلاردیاں کہندا اے “گیٹ اپ سلٹ، اٹھ کنجری”!  کھلوندیاں ڈھڈ وچ پیڑ دا گھسن وجدا اے، آندراں پنجر نوں وجدیاں نیں، میں کبی ہو جانی آں۔ کوئی وال دھرو کے سدھیاں کردا اے، متھا کسے موڈھے دے ہڈھ وچ وجدا اے؛ گمڑ دیاں وسمدیاں چنگاں مچ پیندیاں نیں۔

“احتشام مینوں قالین تے چھکدا کچن دے فرش تے لیا سٹدا اے۔ ٹائیلاں ابھر کے میرے منہ تے وجدیاں نیں’ ممی جی نے ایہہ کیویں سوچیا کہ برینڈا ایہناں نوں ادھو-ادھ کر لگی اے؟ ٹائیلاں دور جان لگ پئیاں نیں، کوئی مینوں کھلاردا پیا اے۔

“وھاٹ دا فک از دس؟ اوہ میرا سر مائیکروویو وچ تن دیندا اے۔ ناساں  کچے چکن دیاں بوٹیاں وچ کھبھ کے پھیپھڑیاں نوں سڑے لہو دی ہواڑ نال بھر دیندیاں نیں۔

“تے ایہہ؟” اوہ مینوں گھسیٹ کے چلھے کول لے جاندا اے، دیگڑی دا ڈھکن چا، دھون تے ہتھ رکھ، میرا منہ وچ واڑ دیندا اے۔ گچی پیڑ دا شکنجہ، سر کھوہی دا ڈول، دماغ وچ سڑے لہو دی بوٰ ۔

“تیری ایہہ جرأت؟ توں میری ماں نوں بھکھیاں ماریں؟” کوئی مینوں ٹائیلاں تے پٹکاندا اے، وکھیاں فرش تے وجدیاں نیں، “کسے دی ماں تے نہیں مر گئی اے؟”

توں (عورت، اک بیوی) آپنے آپ نوں سمجھدی کیہ ایں؟ جویں سکینہ صرف اک نوکرانی ہووے تے صرف ممی جی دی تیمارداری تے سیوا لئی لیاندی گئی ہووے جویں اوس دا آپنے پتی احتشام نال کوئی دور دا وی واسطہ نہ ہووے اوہ صرف آپنی ممی جی دا تابعدار پتر ہووے تے ماں لئی نوکرانی توں کم کرواؤنا اوس دا دھرمی فرض ہووے؛ پرمپراوادی پتر دا فرض۔

خیر کہانی اگلے پڑ ول جاندی ہے۔ اینی کٹ مار کھا کے سکینہ جدوں رڑھدی کھڑدی گھروں نکل جاندی ہے تے اڈا دتا جاندا ہے کہ اوہ آپنے بوائے-فرینڈ نال بھج گئی اے آپنی عزت تے آنر بچاؤن لئی عورت دی عزت تے آنر نوں مٹی وچ ملا دتا جاندا ہے جویں اوس دی نہ کوئی عزت ہے نہ کوئی آنر۔ تے عام جنتا نوں کیہ؟ اوہناں دی سوچ پرم پراں دے سنگلاں وچ جکڑی سوچ اس توں اگے جا ہی نہیں سکدی تے اوہ سچ من کے عورت نوں بھنڈن لگ پیندے ہین۔ عورت اتے ہوندے تشدد دا مدعا سماج وچ بدل دا غبار بن کے رہ جاندا ہے؛ پیڑت دی حالت دھندلی کر دتی جاندی ہے تے تصویر کجھ اس طرحاں پینٹ کیتی جاندی ہے کہ لگے عورت قصوروار ہے۔ایہی کارن ہے کہ اجے وی آپنے پنجابی/بھارتی بھائی چارے وچ عورتاں/ماواں/دھیاں دے قتل پتیاں/باپاں ولوں کیتے جان دیاں خبراں آئے دن سنن نوں ملدیاں ہین۔ جدوں دوشی چارج کیتے جاندے ہین کیس کورٹاں وچ جاندے ہین تاں بچاء پکھ وچ قتل کیتیاں عورتاں اتے بدکاری دے دوش لا کے اوہناں دے قتل جسٹی فائی کیتے جاندے ہین۔گھناؤنے جرم کرن توں بعد وی دوشی آپنے ورتارے دی ذمہ واری عورت دے سر ہی مڑھ دیندے ہین۔

برینڈا دی مدد نال تے اک پنجابن بلوندر نال ہوئی جان پچھان صدقہ سکینہ ٹورانٹو توں بی سی صوبے دے شہر سرے آ جاندی ہے۔ جتھے اوہ ذکر کردی ہے کہ پچھلے دساں سالاں وچ پہلی وار اوس نوں آزاد آسمان تھلے ساہ لین دا احساس ہوندا ہے تے کینیڈا وچ آؤن دے دس سال بعد پہلی نوکری فارم ورکر دے طور تے ملن دا خوشی بھریا احساس اوس نوں باوری بنا دیندا ہے حالانکہ اوس نوں پتہ ہے کہ اوس دے بھا تے ماں جی نوں ایہہ کم پسند نہیں ہونا۔ ایتھے ہی فارم تے اوس دی ملاقات فارم دے مالک اقبال نال ہوندی ہے۔آس دی اک نویں کرن جاگدی ہے۔

سکینہ نوں لگدا ہے کہ اقبال اک بہت ہی سمجھدار تے ودھیا انسان ہے اتے اس اک خاص پاردرشی درشٹی ہے جس وچ ایہہ سبھ کجھ سنچت ہے:درد نوں سمجھن دا احساس تے شدت نال پیار کرن، کسے دا دکھ سن سکن تے ہر کسے پرتی ستکار ہے۔شبداں دی روح (ارتھاں) نوں سمجھن دی یوگتا ہے، بھاوکتا ہے جو بے شک عورت ہون دا گن ہے (جو کسے کسے وچ ہی ہوندی ہے)، حق انصاف دی سنجیدگی، نیتکتا دے اصولاں دی سوجھی ہے، صبر، سنتوکھ، سہنشیلتا۔ پیارے دے ہلار نے اوس دے سارے سوخم بھاو جگا دتے ہین تے اوس نوں اقبال وچ اوہ سارے گن دکھائی دے رہے ہن- کوملتا، ویدنا، سمندروں ڈونگھا ویدنا بھریا دل ہے تے جو پیار دے قابل (سچجا) ہے جو اوس دی زندگی دی ہاری ہوئی بازی مڑ توں جتا سکن دی شکتی رکھدا ہے۔ سکینہ نوں اقبال دا ملنا کجھ اس طرحاں دی مڑ-سرجیتی دا احساس دے دیندا ہے؛ اوس نوں چڑھدی جوانی دا پیار “اچا متھا” چیتے آ جاندا ہے۔ بے شک آپا نچھاور کرن والی عورت اک وار آپنا سبھ کجھ دل و دماغ، موہ پیار تے ضمیر دی سچمتا نال ارپن کر دیندی ہے بھانویں اوہ چھن-بھنگری ہو جاوے اس دا غم نہیں کردی۔

سکینہ دا پاتر آس پاس دی سوجھی تے آپنے عملاں دا آلے دوآلے تے پیندے اثر توں واقف تے چیتن شخصیت ہے -آلے دوآلے دا خیال رکھن دی سوجھی دانی سبھاء (ماں جی وانگراں)، بولن والے شبداں دا احساس ہے، دوسرے دے بولے شبداں دا صحیح ہنگارا بن جان دی سمرتھا ہے۔عورت اجیہی زندگی دی کامنا کردی ہے فیر اوس دی کامنا اوس نوں سماج دی دلدل وچوں کڈھن توں اسمرتھ کیوں رہندی ہے۔اوس دے پیار نوں پاپ تے اوس دی شخصیت نوں بھنڈیا جاندا ہے سکینہ لئی اقبال اوہ ربی روپ بن کے آیا جس نے اوس دے زخماں تے مرہم دا کم کیتا پر آس پاس وچردے فارماں وچ کم کرن والے ورکر جدوں سکینہ تے آوازے کسدے تاں “سلٹ” کہندے اوس دا جرم صرف ایہہ سی کہ اوس نے اقبال نوں جی-جانو پیار کر لیا سی۔

سماں بدلدا رہندا ہے ملک بدل جاندے ہین پر روڑیھوادی وچاردھارا تے جس طرحاں دا ورتاؤ عورت نال ہوندا ہے، جاں کیتا جاندا ہے اس وچ تبدیلی آؤندی نظر نہیں آؤندی۔ عورت دی ہونی نہیں بدلدی۔ ہاں، اوس در-وہاری ماحول نوں چھڈ کے کتے ہور چلے جانا، سرکھیا گھر وچ پناہ لے کے کینیڈا ورگے ملک وچ پراپت سہولتاں تے سپورٹ ورکراں دی مدد نال آپنی زندگی نوں مڑ کے جیون دا یتن کرن دا سنیہا ابھر کے ساہمنے آؤندا ہے، ایہی سنیہا پچھلے سال چھپے ناول “بلیک اینڈ بلو ساری” وچ وی ملدا ہے۔ عورت دی آپنی وتھیا نوں لوکاں ساہمنے پیش کرنا تے در-ووہاری موہل وچ دکھ-درد دا جیون کٹ رہیاں عورتاں لئی بھرپور تے شکتی شالی سنیہا ہے، مثال ہے جے میں دلدل چوں ابھر سکدی ہاں تے تسیں وی ابھر سکدیاں ہو ہمت کرو، پہلا قدم چک لوو، دہلیز توں پیر باہر پا کے تاں دیکھو، دنیا بدل جائے گی۔کیہ سچ مچ دنیا بدل جاوے گی؟ بہت شکتی شالی سنیہا ہے۔پر عورت نوں چوکھٹ چھڈن سار ہی جو مل تارنا پیندا ہے اوہ سکینہ دے آخری چیپٹر “میری کوئی تواریخ نہیں” وچ سپشٹ ہو جاندا ہے عورت دل و دماغ تے ذہنی طور تے ٹٹ جاندی ہے۔

“کول آودا اج وی اے تے لنگھیا کل وی۔ دوواں وچ ماں جی، بھا تے منحوس جینو ویہنی آں۔اوہ مینوں آودے دند نہیں وکھاندے۔ اوہناں دے دند ہیگے نے؟ میں کول ہو کے ویہنی آں۔ ماں جی نماز پڑھدے پئے نے؛ بھا حقہ پیندا پیا اے، تے جینو آودا منہ پیلی چنی وچ ولیٹی پئی اے۔ کئیاں دے مکھ چیتے نہیں آندے۔ ہالی توڑی میں اقبال تے گامو دا فرق نہیں پچھانیا۔”

ناول دے اخیر تے جو گھٹناواں واپردیاں ہین اقبال دا قتل تے پتہ لگنا کہ اقبال تاں اوس دے بچپن ویلے دا اوہی گامو ہے جو آپنی عورت نوں مار کے فرار ہو گیا سی؛ تے نال ہی سکینا دا اتوادیاں نال سنبندھ ہون دے شک دے گھیرے وچ آ جانا تے پولیس دا پہرہ ایہہ سبھ کجھ سوچ کے سکینہ نوں اک وار آپنا مانسک توازن گواچ گیا لگدا ہے جدوں سکینہ آپنے آپ نوں کہندی اے -”میری کوئی تواریخ نہیں، میری کوئی کہانی نہیں، میرا کوئی ناں نہیں” میں آودے آپ نوں چیتے کرانی آں۔

جدوں میں سکینہ دا سارا کھرڑا اس دی شاہ مکھی توں گورمکھی وچ اتارے توں بعد سکرپٹ دے پروف پڑھن لئی کر رہی ساں اس دا اک اک ورقہ اک اک سطر میں پڑھدی جا رہی ساں تے سکینہ اک سرحداں توں پار دی عورت ہو میرے ساہمنے اجاگر ہو رہی سی۔ سکینہ نہ پاکستان دی اے، نہ بھارت دی نہ انگلینڈ دی نہ کینیڈا دی سکینہ ہر اوس عورت دی دیہہ من تے ذہن تے ہنڈھائی حیاتی دا سجیو بمب ہے، ہر اوس عورت دی کہانی ہے جو پرم پرا دیاں سنگلاں وچ جکڑی پیدا ہوندی ہے تے جکڑی ہی دنیا نوں چھڈ کے جان توں پہلاں آپنے آپے دی غلام ستھتی تے کنتو کرن دی جرأت کردی ہے، بندھن مکت جیونا چاہوندی ہے تے اک آزاد سوے-مان والے ویکتی دی ماند ہی دنیا توں جانا چاہوندی ہے۔سکینہ کسے طریقے بچ جاندی ہے۔ تے جو عورتاں بچ جاندیاں ہین اوہ سماج دیاں ساریاں عورتاں نوں آپنی مثال دے کے دسنا چاہوندیاں نیں کہ جے تسیں بچ سکدیاں ہو تاں بچ جاؤ بھاویں گھر ہی کیوں نہ چھڈنا پوے، تے سکینہ اک مثال ہے۔پر ہزاراں سکینہ گھراں دے تشدد دی بلی چڑھ گئیاں نیں تے بلی دے رہیاں نیں تے بچ نہیں سکدیاں، اوس پرم پراوادی ماحول توں نکل نہیں سکدیاں، دنیا دا ڈر، رشتے داراں دا ڈر، کیہ کرن گیاں کتھے سر لکاؤن گیاں؟

قانون بدل گئے، عورتاں نے چلن بدل لئے، سہائتا مہیا ہو گئی، پر نہ پرم پرا دیاں لیہاں بھریاں نہ روڑیھوادی سوچ، نہ عورت پرتی دھارناواں ہی بدلیاں۔ سماجک سوچ تے ورتارا بدلن دی پکی نشانی ایہہ ہووے گی جس دن عورت نوں اک انسان سمجھ کے اوس نوں برابر دی عزت تے ستکار دتا جائےگا، اوس نوں گھٹیا درجے دی جاں نوکرانی دے طور تے نہ ورتیا جائےگا تے کسے عورت نوں مجبور ہو کے بدسلوکی دا ماحول چھڈن لئی ننگے-پیریں، سیت ادھی راتیں، نکے نکے بالاں نال آپنی چوکھٹ نہ چھڈنی پئے گی۔کسے باپ نوں آپنی کنجک دھی صرف آنر لئی بلی نہیں چڑھاؤنی پئے گی نہ ہی کسے پتی نوں اپنے بے لگام کرودھ دا شکار آپنی پتنی نوں بناؤنا پوے گا اوس دن ایہہ سماج رہن یوگ ہووےگا۔

سکینہ دی آمد کینیڈا دے پنجابی ساہت وچ نگھر وادھا ہے فوزیہ رفیق دی دلوں دھنوادی ہاں تے مبارک باد دیندی ہاں کہ سکینہ نے سماج نوں اک وار فیر جھنجوڑ کے جگاؤن دا جتن کیتا ہے۔

First published in Gurumukhi by Indo Canadian Times from Surrey BC in May 2011

View a partial presentation of this review by Surjeet Kalsey on YouTube

 Introduction to Surjeet Kalsey

Visit Surjeet’s blog

Read more Skeena reviews at Skeena Blog

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Now Bin Laden Will Never Die. Thanks, Yo US-led Bullies of the World!

Osama Bin Laden, a Muslim Fundamentalist that i could never support, has now become a symbol of resistance against the US-led bullies of this world. Marauding human rights of the peoples of the first, second, and the third world through unprecedented violence of their policies of trade, weapons, interference and occupation of sovereign countries and people, the US&Friends continue to be the aggressors with too much blood on their hands.

It’s an ‘honour kill’ to save the ‘honour’ of the United States and Allies, and like all killings carried out for ‘honour’, this one also has privilege/resources/material-gain as the reason.

In ‘Muslim’ environments, Bin Laden’s execution will strengthen religious fundamentalism and encourage religion-based parties to mount crushing opposition against the ‘moderate’ Muslim formations struggling to build democratic and rights-based movements in our countries. Of course, it will worsen the situation of Muslim women, and will increase religion-based crimes against minority communities in Muslim majority countries, and it will make life more difficult for under-privileged people. As well, it will legitimize the existence of all militarized Muslim groups and their policies of violence and vigilantism, and the laws promulgated by structures of informal/parallel justice systems.

‘Thousand Thanks’, as the Danes might say in English, to the selfstyled and socalled ‘protectors of democracy and human rights’ for making a martyr out of a religious fanatic, for providing another tool to Muslim fundamentalists to destroy democratic movements in Muslim countries, for hijacking our lives yet again and offering them to violence, conspiracy and intrigue of the ‘un-reason’.

Our friend NewsClots came in handy again by illustrating the boundaries of Bin Laden’s influence in the non-Muslim world where the same US-led bullies have been active. ‘Friends called me today and reminded me about the lyrics we once sang…when we got kicked out by that ‘US embassy peace concert’ at V Park in 2003…’.

Below is the song written/composed by Trinidad musician André Michael Tanker (1941-2003).

(The song file could not be loaded)

Ben Lion U Bin Baad Man
By André Michael Tanker

Tat Tat TaTaTa Tat, Tat Tat TaTaTa Tat
La la lalaaiee, La La la la la la lalaaaiee

Ben Lion U Bin Baad Man
Why O Why suh Why yuh go wine in dese people place..
Ben Ruude Boy, Ben Baaad Boy,
Say you wine right down to de ground and mash up de place…

De eagle was flying high
Until you cause him to cry
Now all all over de dance dey calling your name…
Dey say you are wanted man
And it is time dat you understan’
De tings dat dey say you do dey coming for you…

Ben Lion Bin Baad Man (1)

Wha did yoo umb boom ba bam bam (4)

Now Bulldog looking for you
India helping them too
Monkey jump up and throw a net was master de fence
Things not like they was before
These grounds(?) are spreading(?) war
And the party is who could wine who could go win this time
So yuh best ask wine

Ben Lion Ben Baad Man (1)

Wha did yoo um boom bam bam (6)
Lala …

Dey want you to misbehave
To come out your cave and wave
Dey want you to form a line to stand up and wine…
(wine for them!)
But you too fast on your feet
And you know your way round de street
You wave shifting from side to side dey can’t get inside
(Dey aiming wide….)

Ben Lion Ben Baad Man (1)

All Caribbean, Hohoh!,
Come inside de fence,
All American, Ho! Ho!
Come inside de fence
All Afghanistan! Ho! Ho! Ho!,
De more defense I have is one world, a free world

Wha….(Instr.)
La la lalaieee…

Bushman jump in de line
He say what is yours is mine
Bring Madonna to help him move was a waste of time
So he sent for Jennifer
(J-Lo!), a hip dancer
So to get him to move in time but de man can’t wine…
(He jes can’t wine)

Ben Lion Ben Baad Man (1)

Dey say dat dey catch a man
Dey tink dat is Ben Lion
But dey never check for de wine
Dat was his true sign!
So his feat are paying for all
We really having a ball…
Look out for de real Lion in de Carnival
Look, Bacchanal…

Ben Lion Ben Baad Man (1)

All Caribbean! Hohoh!
Come inside in de fence,
All American, Ho! Ho!
Come inside in de fence,
All Afghanistan, Ho! Ho! Ho!
The more defense I have is one world, A free world

Wha….
(They want you to misbehave…
To come out your cave and wave)
La la la…
..

(01 Ben Lion.m4a could not be loaded)

‘And here is a rather tooo short but absolutely haunting intro by Andre…’
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=klV3LOyLflI&feature=related

‘This live version is a little diffused… but its got the energy of the words…’
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d6A9IojefRk

‘Then here’s an interesting pan version by the El Dorado Secondary Comprehensive School Steel Orchestra, Performing Ben Lion’ by Andre Tanker ft 3 Canal at the 2003 Junior SteelBand Music.’
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-5Ng1j6Qd-Y

Tanker’s Facebook page:
http://www.facebook.com/andretankermusic

‘The Trini Andre Tanker who wrote these lyrics with 3 Canal song died (or was done in) that very year. André Michael Tanker (September 25, 1941 Woodbrook, Port of Spain – February 28, 2003) was a Trinidad and Tobago musician and composer. Tanker was considered one of the most original musicians that the country produced. His influence on the music of Trinidad and Tobago was compared by David Rudder to that of Bob Dylan in US music. Tanker’s work defines the Caribbean folk-jazz genre. We hear he died at the 2003 carnival cos the ambulance couldn’t get through the crowds…’

Information provided by NewsClots
Contact NewsClots c/0 uddari@live.ca
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‘Skeena سکینہ’ a review by Sadhu Binning

The following review was delivered by BC Author Sadhu Binning at the launch of the two Punjabi (Gurumukhi and Shahmukhi) editions of ‘Skeena’ on April 9 in Surrey, British Columbia.

The original Gurumukhi version of the review will be published in the upcoming issue of Vancouver-based Punjabi magazine ‘Watan’.

View Sadhu in YouTube video

فوزیہ رفیق دا ناول سکینہ سوچ نوں ہلونا دین والا اک بے حد شکتی شالی اتے پڑھنیوگ ناول ہے۔

ایہہ ناول پہلاں ٢٠٠٧ وچ لاہور توں شاہمکھی وچ چھپیا سی تے ہن ایہہ سرے توں گورمکھی وچ اڈاری بکس ولوں تے وینکوور توں لبروز لبریٹڈ پبلشنگ ولوں انگریزی وچ چھاپیا گیا ہے۔

فوزیہ رفیق سرے کنیڈا رہ رہی پاکستانی پچھوکڑ دی لیکھکا ہے جو انگریزی اتے پنجابی دوواں زباناں وچ لکھدی اے۔ آپنے اگانھ ودھو خیالاں نوں عملی جامہ پہناؤن والی فوزیہ منکھی حقاں لئی ہون والیاں سرگرمیاں دا ہمیشہ حصہ ہندی اے۔

ناول سکینہ پڑھدیاں پاٹھک ایہہ محسوس کرنو نہیں رہ سکدا کہ ایس دی لیکھکا آپنے سماج دے لوکاں بارے ہی ڈونگھی تے ہمدردی والی جانکاری ہی نہیں رکھدی اس دے نال اوہ سماج دیاں آرتھک، سیاسی تے دھارمک ستھتیاں نوں وی وگیانک اتے الوچناتمک نظریے توں دیکھن دی گنبھیر جانکاری وی رکھدی ہے۔ تے اس دے نال ہی مہتوپورن گل ایہہ ہے کہ اوس نوں ساہتک کلا دی وی پوری سمجھ ہے۔

ناول دی ہیروئین سکینہ جاگیردار پریوار دی کڑی ہے جو انسکھاویں حالات وچ رہندی ہوئی وی اوہناں نال پوری طرحاں سمجھوتہ نہیں کردی۔ پر اوہ کوئی بہادر جاں انقلابی کڑی نہیں سگوں اک عام انسان ہے جو اک ساوی پدھری زندگی جین دی چاہوان ہے۔ اوہ بچپن وچ ڈاکٹر جاں ادھیاپکا بنن دے سپنے دیکھدی ہے۔ پر سماج دیاں قدراں قیمتاں اجہیاں ہن کہ اوس نوں آپنی من مرضی دی آرام دی زندگی حاصل نہیں ہندی۔

ناول دا پہلا حصہ جس وچ پاکستانی پنجابی سماج دے جاگیرداری ڈھانچے اندر جاگیردار تے اوس دے کارندیاں دیاں جیونیاں اتے اک دوجے نال ادان پردان نوں درسایا گیا ہے، بہت ہی روچک ہے۔ فوزیہ نے دھرم تے جاگیرو قدراں قیمتاں وچ جکڑے پنجابی سماج دی بہت صحیح تصویر پیش کیتی ہے۔ جاگیرداری سماج اندر زمیناں دے مالک اتے اوہناں دے کارندیاں دے آپسی رشتے بہت بریکی نال چترے ہن۔ ایہہ سبھ کجھ پہلاں اسیں اک ست سال دی ننھی کڑی دیاں نظراں راہیں دیکھدے ہاں۔ ناول شروع وچ ہی پاٹھک نوں پوری طرح آپنے نال تور لیندا ہے اتے اگے جانن دی کھچ اخیر تک قائم رہندی ہے۔

ناول نوں چار حصیاں وچ ونڈیا گیا ہے۔ پہلا جدوں ست سال دی سکینہ آپنی ماں اتے بھرا نال پنڈ رہندی ہے۔ پھیر لاہور، ٹورانٹو تے سرے۔ ایہناں وکھ وکھ تھاواں تے سمیاں وچ سکینہ نوں وکھریاں وکھریاں ستھتیاں وچوں گزرنا پیندہ ہے۔ اسیں پہلاں سکینہ نوں پنڈ دے حالات وچ دیکھدے ہاں، پھیر اک کالج دی ودیارتھن تے ہاکی دی کھڈارن وجوں، پھیر پنڈ گھر دی قید وچ تے پھیر ٹورانٹو اتے سرے وچ۔ اوس دی اک عام انسان وانگ جین دی خواہش نوں ہر پڑاء تے دھارمک، پروارک، سیاسی تے سماجک بندشاں روک لاؤندیاں ہن۔ سکینہ آپنی سہیلی رفو وانگ بہادر جاں انقلابی نہیں۔ پر حالتاں نال سمجھوتہ نہ کرن دی جاں کجھ حد تک ہی سمجھوتہ کرن دی کوشش اوس نوں وکھریاں وکھریاں حالتاں وچ پاؤندی ہے تے کڈھدی ہے۔ گھردیاں دی مرضی انوسار نہ جین بدلے اوس نوں لاہور توں پنڈ لجا کے گھر وچ ہی قید کر دتا جاندا ہے۔ پھیر ٹرانٹو آپنے مرد احتشام تے اوہدی ماں دا اوہ لما سماں تشدد سہندی ہے۔ اس سبھ کاسے دے باوجود اوس وچ جین دی خاہش نہیں مردی اتے اوہنوں جد وی موقع ملدا ہے اوہ آپنے آلے دوآلے لگیاں واڑاں نوں توڑنا چاہندی ہے، کجھ وکھرا کرنا چاہندی ہے۔ تے ہولی ہولی اوہ اس وچ کامیاب وی ہندی ہے۔

وگیانک جاں مارکسی نظریے انوسار ایہہ منیاں جاندا ہے کہ انسان دے جیون تے سبھ توں ودھ اثر باہرلے حالات پاؤندے ہن۔ کوئی وی انسان نہ چنگا جمدا ہے تے نہ ماڑا۔ جیون وچ انسان جو وی بندا ہے اوہ اوس دے سماج دی اپج ہندا ہے۔ جویں جمن ویلے بھاشا بول سکن دی یوگتا اوس وچ ہندی ہے نہ کہ کوئی وشیش بھاشا اتے اوہ جس وی پروار وچ جمدا ہے اوتھے بولی جاندی بولی ہی سکھدا ہے، ایسے طرح اوہ جنہاں حالتاں وچ پیدا ہندا اتے رہندا ہے اوہناں انوسار ہی اوس دا جیون ڈھلدا ہے۔ جے حالات بدل جان تاں وکاتی وچ وی بدل سکن دی سمبھاونا ہندی ہے۔ اس وگینک نظریعے نوں ایہہ ناول پوری طرح صحیح سدھ کردا ہے۔ ادہرن وجوں، گامو جہڑا جاگیرو ڈھانچے اندر آپنیاں غلامی والیاں حالتاں دا ماریا آپنی گھر والی جینو نوں ماردا کٹدا ہے تے پھیر بدلہ لین لئی ایو دا خون کر دیندا ہے، جدوں اوس نوں وکھریاں حالتاں وچ جین دا موقع ملدا ہے تاں اوہ اک ودھیا انسان بن جاندا ہے۔ ایسے طرح جینو ہے۔ اوہنوں پنڈ دے جیون توں شہر آ کے وسن دا موقع ملدا ہے اتے اوس دا جیون وی بدل جاندا ہے جے اوہ پنڈ ہی رہندی تاں اوس وچ ایہہ تبدیلی آؤن دی سمبھاونا نہیں سی۔ سکینہ اس دی وڈی مثال ہے۔ کینیڈا وچ ملدے موقعیاں کارن ہن اوہ کسے ہور دی متھاج نہیں۔ اس طرح کہانی دے انت والی سکینہ اک وکھری عورت ہے، خود کماؤن والی، آپنے پیراں تے کھڑی۔ جیہدی زندگی ہن کافی حد تک اوہدے آپنے قبضے وچ ہے۔ سکینہ نے اینیاں اوکھیاں ستھتیاں وچ وی بڑا لما چوڑا پینڈا تہہ کیتا ہے۔ ایہہ ٹھیک ہے کہ ناول دا اخیرلا کانڈ میری کوئی تاریخ نہیں وچ سکینہ آپنے گھر دی قید وچوں بھجن تے خودکشی بارے سوچ رہی جاپدی ہے۔ سنبھو ہے کہ مینوںمجھن وچ غلطی لگی ہووے، پر مینوں ناول دی کہانی دا انت اوتھے جاپدا اے جتھے اس توں پہلے کانڈ دا اخیرلا ادھا واک ہے جدوں سکینہ کہندی ہے کہ “مینوں آپدے آپ وچ زور اٹھدا جاپدا اے”۔ مینوں لگا کہ اینیاں بھیانک ستھتیاں دے باوجود سکینہ وچ جین دی خواہش تے طاقت پوری قائم ہے۔

سکینہ وچ کہانی صرف پاتراں جاں اوناں دے آپسی رشتیاں دوآلے ہی نہیں گھمدی اس وچ سمیں تے ستھان دیاں گھٹناواں تے سیاست نوں وی باخوبی چتریا گیا ہے۔ اصل وچ تاں ایہہ ناول صحیح ارتھاں وچ اک سیاسی تے انقلابی ناول ہے۔ جس وچ عورت دی آپنی ہستی واسطے جدوجہد بہت ہی کلاتمک طریقے نال درسائی گئی ہے۔ پہلے حصے وچ ہند پاک دی ١٩٧١ والی لڑائی دا ذکر اس ہنر نال کیتا گیا ہے کہ پتہ ہی نہیں چلدا کہ سانوں دوناں ملکاں دی لڑائی بارے دسیا جا رہا ہے۔ ایسے طرح امریکہ وچ ہوئے نوں گیاراں دے اتوادی حملے دا ذکر وی پاتراں دے جیون دا اس طرح حصہ بنایا ہے کہ ایہہ کسے طرح وی غیر سبھاوک نہیں لگدا۔ اس سمیں اک پاسے سکینہ دے آپنے جیون وچ وڈیاں گھٹناواں واپردیاں ہن۔ اوس نوں پتہ لگدا ہے کہ اوس دا اقبال اصل وچ اوس دے پنڈ والا گامو ایں۔ تے پھیر اقبال تے مہنگا سنگھ دا قتل۔ ایہناں گھٹناواں دے نال ہی نوں گیاراں دی گھٹنا اتے سکینہ نوں وی اتوادی سمجھیا جا رہیا ہے۔ ایہہ سبھ کجھ اس ناول نوں اک بہت دلچسپ رچنا بناؤندا ہے تے نال ہی گنبھیر مسئلے ابھارن والی لکھت وی۔

ناول وچ ہور وی بہت کچھ ہے جیہڑا اس نوں اک وڈی رچنا بناؤندا ہے۔ اداہرن وجوں اس وچ پیش کیتا سملنگتا دا ملا۔ جتھے کنیڈین سماج وچ ایہہ ہن عام جانی جاندی گل ہے پر پنجابی بھائیچارے وچ اس دا روپ اتے اس ول لوکاں دا نظریہ وکھرا ہے، کافی حد تک نانہ پکھی ہے وشیش کرکے دھارمک لوکاں وچ۔ فوزیہ جی نے بہت ہی ودھیا طریقے نال پاکستانی بھائیچارے وچ اس دا روپ ساڈے ساہمنے لیاندا ہے اتے جس طریقے نال کنیڈین لزبین جوڑے جوئنی تے میگی نوں پیش کیتا ہے اوہ ساڈے مناں وچ ایہناں لئی ستکار پیدا کردا ہے اتے اس طرح ایہہ اس ول ساڈے نظریعے نوں اک ہاں پکھی نظریعے وچ بدلن دی یوگتا رکھدا ہے۔ ایہہ آپنے آپ دے وچ اک وڈی تے حوصلے والی گل اے۔

ایسے طرح اس ناول وچ دھارمک آگواں دی کوجھی اصلیت نوں وی مولوی دے پاتر راہیں اتے ہور بہت تھانویں وکھرے وکھرے روپاں وچ پیش کیتا گیا ہے۔ اجیہا کرکے فوزیہ نے سماج دے اس کوہڑ نوں ساڈے ساہمنے لیاندا ہے۔ ایہہ وی کوئی گھٹ جرأت والی گل نہیں۔

ناول دی پاتر اساری اتے اس وچ ورتی بولی بہت پربھاوشالی ہن۔ ناول دا بہتا حصہ پاتراں دے سنواد راہیں درسایا گیا ہے۔ ایہناں پاتراں دی بولی پنجابی پاٹھک نوں آپنی مٹھاس دے جادو نال کیل لیندی ہے۔ میں ایہہ ناول کجھ سال پہلاں شاہمکھی وچ پڑھیا سی۔ ہن اس گورمکھی لپی وچ پڑھن دا وکھرا سواد آیا ہے۔ پر گورمکھی والی چھاپ وچ کجھ گنبھیر سمسیاواں وی ہن۔ کجھ شبدجوڑ غلط جاپدے نیں تے لپی دے انتر کارن کجھ شبد اتے واک سمجھن وچ مشکل آؤندی ہے۔

اخیر وچ میں فوزیہ جی نوں ایہہ ناول لکھن دی تے نال ہی ہن اس نوں گورمکھی تے انگریزی وچ چھپواؤن واسطے بہت بہت ودھائی دیندا ہاں۔ سکینہ دے اس ناول نال ساڈا پنجابی ساہت ہور امیر ہویا ہے۔ میں محسوس کردا ہاں کہ پنجابی بولی تے ساہت نال ناتا رکھن والے لوکاں ولوں فوزیہ جی ہوراں دی اس رچنا لئی دھنواد کرنا چاہیدا ہے۔ ہن ایہہ رچنا انگریزی تے پنجابی دیاں دوواں لپیاں وچ اپلبدھ ہے تے امید ہے پاٹھک اس ناول نوں چاء نال پڑھن گے۔ ناول پراپت کرن لئی فوزیہ رفیق نال uddari@live.ca تے سنپرک کیتا جا سکدا ہے۔

- سادھو بننگ
اپریل ٩، ٢٠١١؛ سرے، بی سی

Converted from Gurumukhi by Sajid Nadeem Choudhry

Sadhu Binning

Sadhu, a bilingual author, has lived in the Vancouver area since migrating to Canada in 1967. He has published more than fifteen books of poetry, fiction, plays, translations and research. His works have been included in more than thirty-five anthologies both in Punjabi and English. He edited a literary Punjabi monthly ‘Watno Dur’, and now co-edits a quarterly, ‘Watan’.
He is a founding member of Vancouver Sath, a theatre collective, Ankur and various other literary and cultural organizations. He sat on the BC Arts Board from 1993 to 1995. He is a central figure in the Punjabi arts community and was named one of the top 100 South Asians making a difference in BC.
Twenty years ago, he founded Punjabi Language Education Association and has been actively promoting Punjabi language in educational
institutions in BC. ( sadhu.binning@gmail.com )

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Request to share information with Sindh Resource Center (SRC)‏

We would appreciate if any of our friends have some historical pictures and documents regarding Sindh or Pakistan (specifically related to history, literature, culture, language, art, politics, personalities), they can kindly share with us for the record of the centre and researchers.

We will upload the documents and other materials with proper acknowledgment, while the original manuscript/materials will be given back to the owners.

The Center for Peace and Civil Society (CPCS) has established Sindh Resource Center (SRC- http://www.cpcs.org.pk/ src/) for researchers, scholars, academicians, practitioners, journalists and political parties; CPCS has published around 37 books during last few years that are available at our resource centre and many of those are available on our website as well. Those friends who are interested in research on Sindh and Pakistan can benefit from the archives and database of the resource centre. We are also pleased to share with all of you that CPCS is member of the “Network of Democracy Research Institutes” NDRI (www.wmd.org/ndri/ndri.html), and it is the second organization from Pakistan after PILDAT, which has got formal membership of world’s largest network of democracy research institutes.

I strongly believe that we need institutions of excellence to strengthen knowledge, democratic politics, literature, art, culture and civil society through research, this resource centre can be one of such kind with your facilitation.

We look forward to hearing from you.

Jami Chandio
Executive Director
Centre for Peace and Civil Society
& Editor Quarterly Journal ‘Freedom’
Jchandio@cpcs.org.pk
Web: http://www.cpcs.org.pk
Web: http://www.jamichandio.com
Cell: +92 300 3013 436
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